Obama Uses the Trayvon Martin tragedy to bolster his own racial identity

On July 20, 2013 at 10:10, I goggled “Obama Trayvon Martin me” and in .25 seconds received 718,000,000 citations, proving once more that Barack Hussein Obama is the premier Machiavellian mass communication manipulator. As he has his entire life, Obama, the narcissist, has managed to shift the current focus of attention and conversation into a self-serving Obama story.  The Martin tragedy has been transformed into a tool for the racially insecure and racially conflicted Barack Obama to remind us how very black he is.

In his July 19^th White House briefing, Obama told us:

You know, when Trayvon Martin was first shot, I said that this could have been my son. Another way of saying that is Trayvon Martin could have been me 35 years ago.

There are very few African-American men in this country who haven’t had the experience of being followed when they were shopping in a department store. That includes me.

And there are very few African-American men who haven’t had the experience of walking across the street and hearing the locks click on the doors of cars. That happens to me, at least before I was a senator

At the same briefing he also said, “There are very few African-Americans who haven’t had the experience of getting on an elevator and a woman clutching her purse nervously and holding her breath until she had a chance to get off. That happens often.”  As you see, he did not include himself in that example so, you might think, that he did not personalize that example.  

Think again.  In his autobiography, Dreams from My Father, Barack Obama referred to a discussion he had had with his white grandmother’s after she had been harassed by a black vagrant at a bus stop.  In those days, everyone called Barack, Barry.

Her lips pursed with irritation.  ‘He was very aggressive, Barry.  Very aggressive.  I gave him a dollar and he kept asking. If the bus hadn’t come, I think he might have hit me over the head.

No.  The White House briefing was not about Martin.  It was about Barack.  With the African American community clamoring for justice—vengeance— and threatening “burn baby burn,” just as he has had to do all his life, the half-white Barack Obama needed to defend his half-black identity.  The President sought to prove that former Black Panther Bobby Rush, who had defeated him during the 2000 Illinois congressional primary, was wrong when Rush told The Chicago Reader, “He [Obama] went to Harvard and became an educated fool… Barack is a person who read about the civil rights protests and thinks he knows all about it.”   Not coincidentally, in March 2012, it was also Bobby Rush who caused a stir when he appeared on the floor of the U.S. House of Representative wearing a hooded sweatshirt to protest how the Trayvon Martin case was being handled by Florida police.

Preoccupied with his own troubled racial history, Barack refers to racial history four times in his speech, always to rationalize current black shortcomings and to project their blame onto whites:

I think it’s important to recognize that the African- American community is looking at this issue through a set of experiences and a history that -- that doesn’t go away.

We understand that some of the violence that takes place in poor black neighborhoods around the country is born out of a very violent past in this country, and that the poverty and dysfunction that we see in those communities can be traced to a very difficult history.

It’s not to make excuses for that fact, although black folks do interpret the reasons for that in a historical context.

The African-American community is also knowledgeable that there is a history of racial disparities in the application of our criminal laws, everything from the death penalty to enforcement of our drug laws. And that ends up having an impact in terms of how people interpret the case.

So, what does our Great Leader conclude from the Trayvon Martin tragedy?  Once more, I quote:

Now, the question for me at least, and I think, for a lot of folks is, where do we take this?

… work with law enforcement about training at the state and local levels in order to reduce the kind of mistrust in the system that sometimes currently exists.

… examine some state and local laws to see if it -- if they are designed in such a way that they may encourage the kinds of altercations and confrontations and tragedies that we saw in the Florida case, rather than defuse potential altercations.

… spend some time in thinking about how do we bolster and reinforce our African-American boys? And this is something that Michelle and I talk a lot about. There are a lot of kids out there who need help who are getting a lot of negative reinforcement. And is there more that we can do to give them the sense that their country cares about them and values them and is willing to invest in them?

… do some soul-searching. You know, there have been talk about should we convene a conversation on race.

… have confidence that kids these days I think have more sense than we did back then, and certainly more than our parents did or our grandparents did…

What else would you expect from His Eminence?  Blame police, take over state and local laws, give more to African America boys (no mention of providing for black girls or children of other races), talk more about race—a truly novel and most neglected suggestion—and believe that kids these days have “more sense” than their racially perverse parents and grandparents.   Funny, I don’t remember the gun battles and slaughter in the streets of the black community during America’s racist past.

If, as is likely, Obama’s White House briefing accomplishes nothing substantial to improve the lives of inner-city black boys, it still will have served its primary purposes: to throw the black community a race-oriented bone and to enhance Barack’s black identity cred.  Our President said not word one about the abysmal state of the black urban family.  He should read yourblackworld.net that explains:

In 1950, 17 percent of African-American children lived in a home with their mother but not their father. By 2010 that had increased to 50 percent. In 1965, only eight percent of childbirths in the Black community occurred out-of-wedlock. In 2010 that figure was 41 percent; and today, the out-of-wedlock childbirth in the Black community sits at an astonishing 72 percent. The number of African-American women married and living with their spouse was recorded as 53 percent in 1950. By 2010, it had dropped to 25 percent.